Monthly Archives: July 2020

The Cambridge Keynesians And The “Bastard Keynesians”

Since the publications of Keynes’ GT, economists have been trying to overthrow the true interpretation of Keynes. To complicate the matter, Keynes himself committed a lot of errors in the book despite having a great colleague in Joan Robinson who truly was beyond the errors. Keynes also underestimated the power of vested interests:

… But apart from this contemporary mood, the ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and when they are wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood. Indeed the world is ruled by little else. Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any intellectual influences, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist. Madmen in authority, who hear voices in the air, are distilling their frenzy from some academic scribbler of a few years back. I am sure that the power of vested interests is vastly exaggerated compared with the gradual encroachment of ideas. Not, indeed, immediately, but after a certain interval; for in the field of economic and political philosophy there are not many who are influenced by new theories after they are twenty-five or thirty years of age, so that the ideas which civil servants and politicians and even agitators apply to current events are not likely to be the newest. But, soon or late, it is ideas, not vested interests, which are dangerous for good or evil.

Marjorie Turner in Joan Robinson And The Americans explains Robinson’s views:

Robinson had no doubt about where the bastard Keynesian doctrine came from: it “evolved in the United States, invaded the economics faculties of the world, floating on the wings of the almighty dollar. (It established itself even amongst intellectuals in the so-called developing countries, who have reason enough to know better.)” She thought the worst part was that while “Keynes was diagnosing a defect inherent in capitalism … the bastard Keynesians turned the argument back into being a defense of laisser-faire, provided that just the one blemish of excessive saving was going to be removed.” Robinson condemned Samuelson’s alleged role in spreading bastard Keynesianism. The Samuelson textbook Economics in the 1970 edition committed this offense, she said, but by his 1976 edition, “Samuelson’s faith in macroeconomic policies (but not in the verities of microeconomics) had been badly shaken.” Regarding the alleged affection of the bastard Keynesians for laissez-faire and microeconomics as received, she admitted feeling “helpless.”

[Title borrowed from a paper of Marjorie Turner]

Honouring Marc Lavoie And Mario Seccareccia

There will be a webinar on Aug 22nd in honour of Marc Lavoie and Mario Seccareccia. The details are available on a special Facebook page for this.

There are two volumes of essays in their honour. Links:

  1. Volume 1,
  2. Volume 2.

In addition, there’s a new book (forthcoming) with selected essays of Marc.

Image from Louis-Philippe Rochon

Joan Robinson On How The Economic System Has A Deflationary Bias

I was checking this video by John Eatwell on Joan Robinson, in which he says that Joan Robinson had figured that the international economic system has a deflationary bias. He refers to her 1965 writing The New Mercantilism but I didn’t find her explicitly saying this.

@34:33 in the video, but rewind to your liking for the context.

However in an article The International Currency Proposals published in The Economic Journal, Vol. 53, No. 210/211 (Jun. – Sep., 1943), pp. 161-175, she is quite explicit on this:

The basic rule of the gold-standard game, or of any system of multilateral international trade with stable exchange rates, is that a country which has a favourable balance of trade on income account must lend abroad on long term at a more or less commensurate rate; alternatively, a country whose citizens and Government are not prepared to lend abroad must not have a surplus on income account. Any slight and temporary failure of trade balances and rates of lending to keep in step can be provided for by movements to and fro of gold and short-term funds, but a large and continuous disequilibrium puts a strain upon the system which it cannot bear.

In the text-book account of the gold standard, gold movements of themselves set in train a mechanism to restore equilibrium. If the surplus of exports of a country exceeds its surplus of lending, gold flows to it from the rest of the world. Consequently, according to the text-book account, prices in that country rise, while they fall in the rest of the world. Exports from the surplus country to the rest of the world are therefore reduced, and its imports from the rest of the world are increased, until its surplus and the world’s deficit are wiped out. Outside the text-books matters do not go so smoothly. First, the country receiving gold is under no necessity to check the inflow, while those who lose gold are under an obligation, so long as they struggle to maintain the gold standard, to check the outflow, and they must set about doing so the more quickly the smaller their reserves. Thus the mechanism is not symmetrical, but has an inherent bias towards deflation, which is the more severe the smaller is the amount of gold possessed by deficit countries. Secondly, a loss of gold does not lead automatically and directly, as in the text-books, to the fall of prices which is required to stimulate exports from a deficit country and foster its home production at the expense of imports. The process of adjustment is much more painful. To check the outflow of gold the authorities in a deficit country must restrict credit and encourage a fall in activity and incomes. This, indeed, reduces imports, but it reduces imports not only from the surplus country, but from others as well, so that countries formerly balanced are thrown into disequilibrium and have to join in the process of deflation. And it reduces not only imports, but also consumption of home-produced goods. The total loss of income is a large multiple of the reduction of imports which it is designed to bring about. If unemployment and business losses continue long enough to bring about a sufficient relative fall in money wages, relative costs are reduced, and the text-book story is completed. But meanwhile the surplus country is also suffering from unemployment through its loss of export markets. There is pressure there also to lower wages; and much else, including the gold standard itself, may give way under the strain long before equilibrium has been restored.

Of course, the discussion is on the Bretton-Woods system but the system of floating exchanges hasn’t led to a system where imbalances are resolved by market mechanism, so the problem still remains.

Also deflationary bias doesn’t mean that the world is always in deflation but that there is a bias and that it prevents economic activity to be far less than what it could have been and that economies are crisis-prone.

Joan Robinson On International Trade In Times Of International Crisis

Nick Johnson has some good quotes from Joan Robinson’s book Freedom & Necessity — An Introduction To The Study Of Society from 1970.

One for the current times, Chapter 9, The New Mercantilism, page 92:

The national egoism of modern capitalism is clearly seen in the sphere of international trade. The capitalist world (except in a major war) is a buyer’s market. Productive capacity exceeds demand. Exports yield profits and imports (apart from necessary raw materials) mean a loss of sales to competitors. Moreover internal investment is easier to foster, inflation easier to fend off and the foreign exchange easier to manage in a situation of a favourable balance of trade — that is, an excess of exports over imports. Thus every nation competes to achieve ‘export-led growth’, while each tries to defend itself from the exports of the others. The combination of national quasi-planning with international chaos (which the agreements on trade and finance made after the war have not succeeded in mastering) flares up from time to time in an international crisis.

Joan Robinson was one of the first economists to be against free trade.

In the book Aspects Of Development And Underdevelopment, 1979, Chapter 6, Dependent Industrialisation, page 102, she says:

The most pervasive and strongly held of all neoclassical doctrines is that of the universal benefits of free trade, but unfortunately the theory in terms of which it is expounded has no relevance to the question that it purports to discuss. The argument is conducted in terms of comparisons of static equilibrium positions in which each trading nation is enjoying full employment of all resources and balanced payments, the flow of exports, valued at world prices, being equal to the flow of imports. In such conditions, there is no motive for resorting to protection of home industry. Since full employment of given resources is assumed, there is no need for protection to increase home industry, and since timeless equilibrium is assumed there can never be a deficit in the balance of payments. Moreover, since all countries are treated as having the same level of development, there can be no question of ‘unequal exchange’.

Of course one of the best is the 1937 article Beggar-My-Neighbour Remedies For Unemployment.